The people's voice of reason
When James Monroe addressed Congress 200 years ago,
many assumed his annual message would be limited to
legislative initiatives. Since he had no spin doctors to help
him explain his position, clarify its broad impact, or narrate
its context, it was left to him to simply announce the
Monroe Doctrine and let others decide its ramifications.
Two centuries ago, the New World was shedding Old
World political connections as new nation states were
emerging after achieving independence. President Monroe
clearly understood the general feelings of his fellow
countrymen and realized that the unique American experience
provided him a forum to declare his nation’s place in the World Order.
The Monroe Doctrine is remembered primarily for its bold limitation on European influence
and colonization in the Western Hemisphere, but other parts of the doctrine were of
equal importance and expressed American sentiments about the rest of the world.
Specifically, the doctrine stated that America had no interest in conflicts in Europe but
would respect the existing order in the New World.
When viewed in hindsight, the doctrine was in many ways a concise statement of how
America viewed the world and coupled its role with a tinge of isolationism. President
Monroe told the entire World that the Western Hemisphere was off limits to European
powers. It was a bold move for a nation that was not yet 50 years old and had no military
to enforce the policy, but the policy was supported by George Washington admonition
that America not involve itself in foreign wars.
The American Revolution changed the dynamics of foreign policy, foreign trade, and foreign
investment. Once the revolution ended, wars in Europe waxed and waned with
alliances that switched and boundaries that moved so frequently it was hard to keep an
accurate tally. Monroe understood that America had no interest in these changing
relationships and was ill suited to fully appreciate the dynamics of European diplomatic
intrigues.
Monroe’s main interest was preserving a sphere of influence with America as the dominant
power. There was no need to allow this continent to become a proxy for the varied changes
in European politics and reconquest of former colonies. Keeping America stable and
secure with its energies devoted toward territorial growth and trade was the president’s
ultimate goal.
He knew from experience that wars were expensive and diverted time and talent away
from domestic improvement. Thus, it was easy for him to disclaim any involvement in
Europe, its political theories, and various continental wars, but it was another thing to
make a bold statement that European powers were not welcomed to assert control over
liberated ex-colonies. Even bolder was the assertion that any such involvement by another
country, would be considered a hostile act against the United States.
This provision of the doctrine might be viewed as a NATO-like pledge that any attack by
a foreign power against a territory in the Western Hemisphere would be met with force of
arms from the United States. Since the United States had a very limited navy and no
standing army of any measure, this statement had no enforcement mechanism. If a foreign
power tried to invade another country, the U.S. would have been helpless to take effective
action, but the Monroe Doctrine had a silent guarantor in the form of the British Empire,
which had plenty of ships and troops to enforce the policy. The British acquiesced to the
Monroe Doctrine because limiting other countries’ involvement in the New World was
advantageous to its long-term interest.
It is not a stretch to say that the Monroe Doctrine cemented the Anglo-American
relationship while ensuring American and British interests would never again be so
adversarial as to incubate hostilities. From this point forward, the two nations would be
joined together in almost a common enterprise of trade and international stability.
Without having to fight wars, the United States could focus on opening and subduing the
rest of its territory. For at least some period of time, the expansion of the country created
such opportunities that any foreign influence was not occasioned by military invasion,
but by swarms of immigrants leaving the old world behind to seek fortune and opportunity
in a new place with little historical memory to retard its progress.
Rather than being innovative, the Monroe Doctrine sought to express the consensus of
American sentiment about its view of its place in the world. The influx of immigrants
would also support this idea that once their home country was on the distant horizon, they
were liberated from the politics of the Old World that limited freedom and advancement.
Immigrants coming to the United States would gladly agree that they, too, had no desire
to involve themselves in the politics of a country they had left. So, while Americans wanted
limited involvement with the politics and factious belligerence of Europe, they did not
want foreign influence in the New World. Americans would be motivated to apply force
only if European countries attempted to assert themselves in our sphere of influence.
This was true even in the last century. During World War I, most Americans had no desire
to send troops to Europe, but sentiment changed only after a secret German diplomatic
initiative was uncovered promising Texas, Arizona and New Mexico to Mexico if it would
ally with the Kaiser. Ending any thought of European influence in our country’s affairs
proved a strong motivator.
Likewise, in World War II, Franklin Roosevelt was unable to arouse American interest in
defeating the Nazis, but once Hitler’s secret plan to divide Latin America into Nazi-controlled
vassal states was exposed, the average citizen began to sense the Nazi threat.
For 200 years, the Monroe Doctrine has been a centerpiece of American foreign policy.
Its broad provisions continue to affirm a commitment to regional independence and put
other nations on notice that the Western Hemisphere is a self-determination zone with no
tolerance for foreign influence or territorial threat.
Perhaps President Xi needs a refresher course?
(Reprint)
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